Democratic Republic of Congo

Early history: The Kingdom of Kongo | The age of explorationColonial CongoThe Congo crisis: Independence and turmoil in the First Republic | The Second Republic beginsZaire | The Third Republic | Modern Congo |  Minerals and conflict | International military presence | Resources

A map showing DRC's position in AfricaThe Democratic Republic of Congo, also known as DR Congo or Congo-Kinshasa is the largest country in Sub-Saharan Africa. The official language is French.

Democratic Republic of Congo timeline

Explore the interactive timeline below, or read the full history underneath.


Early history: The Kingdom of Kongo

Though perhaps most readily remembered as a Belgian colony, the Portuguese were the first Europeans to stake claims in what is today the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). In 1482, Diogo Cão landed at the mouth of the Congo River. Impressed by what was undoubtedly a large empire, he sailed 300km upstream to its capital city Mbanza Kongo and befriended the reigning monarch Nzinga Nkuwu. Kongo, with a sophisticated governance structure, covered areas of modern northern Angola and southwestern DRC and enjoyed relative prosperity.

Portugal’s mission to promote Christianity and economic ties began strongly through Cão’s first willing baptismal candidates: the king and his son, who adopted the Portuguese names João and Afonso respectively. After King João’s death in 1506, Afonso relied on Portuguese military assistance to gain and hold the title, but over the course his rule Afonso I experienced an increasingly cold reception from the King of Portugal. The Europeans set slaves as the price for what had formerly been gifts – priests, religious paraphernalia, ships, and other valuable goods. Afonso I heightened raids of neighboring kingdoms to meet the demand. Despite passage of a royal decree that forbade any slave from being illegally deported, the coastal Soyo province ignored the directive and began dealing directly with Portuguese slavers. Portugal’s new colonial base in Luanda, modern Angola, became a critical port city leading to the rest of Kongo.

Kongo was not the only kingdom in the area now known as DRC; to the east were the Kingdoms of Luba, Lunda, and Kuba, among others. The slave trade and regional conflict ultimately destabilized all four major kingdoms. The great Kongo Kingdom fell in 1665 when the Portuguese military killed its final independent king. Any kingdom still in existence by the 19th century was quickly abolished by colonial rule.


The age of exploration

The African interior, especially Congo, saw many celebrated precolonial explorers, including:

  • James Kingston Tuckey [England] – Went to chart the Congo River and discover its origin, which would determine its potential lucrativeness
  • Joseph Conrad [Belgium] – Authored Heart of Darkness, a fictional account of his Congo travels
  • Paul du Chaillu [US] – First confirmed the existence of gorillas and pygmies for Europeans
  • David Livingstone [Scotland] – Charted several major water sources in the Great Lakes region and inspired Europeans with his adventures
  • Henry Morton Stanley [US, Belgium] – The New York Herald commissioned him to find the missing Dr. Livingstone and print a sensation piece; he later returned to chart the Lualaba River
  • Pierre de Brazza [France] – Helped establish French Congo, serving as its first Governor General

From each expedition, stories of wealth and colonial potential made their way to Europe. In 1830 Belgium declared its independence from the Netherlands, and King Leopold I ascended the throne. The King’s death in 1865 transferred power to his young son, Leopold II, who was eager to increase Belgium’s political standing. The new monarch had an eye on African wealth, expressing a keen desire to ‘discover the largely unexplored Congo region, and civilise its natives.’ He founded the International Africa Association (AIA) on 12 September 1876 to pursue this goal and hired Henry Morton Stanley as chief architect of development.


Colonial Congo

Portugal, as a colonial power, had engaged in economic competition with Kongo, which continued autonomous rule, and reaped significant profit. Yet as its tenuous influence faltered, a handful of other powers began what is now referred to as the ‘scramble for Africa,’ each state eager to stake a claim in Africa’s natural wealth. From 1877 until the Berlin Conference concluded in 1885, much of inner Africa gradually became the personal property of Belgian King Leopold II. His personal dominion was made official with the creation of the Congo Free State.

The era of King Leopold was known for violence and exploitation of local populations to gather rubber and ivory. Belgian soldiers took Congolese women hostage and ordered the men to collect a monthly quota for their ransom. The women were often raped by the soldiers, and some starved to death before the men returned. Slavers from Zanzibar also made regular excursions into inner Congo, led by the infamous Tippu Tipp. The Belgo-Arab War (also called the Congo-Arab War since the fighting soldiers were Congolese, not Belgian) lasted from 1892-1894 and demonstrated Congo’s military strength. Meanwhile, Leopold’s wealth steadily multiplied and funded projects all over Belgium, including monuments, new palace wings, museums, and pavilions.

Eventually international actors took a closer look at what was happening in the Congo Free State. British journalist Edmund D. Morel published several books about the human rights violations taking place, provoking public outrage. After a parliamentary debate about Congo on 20 May 1903, Britain requested further investigation by the British consul Roger Casement, whose Casement Report of 1904 confirmed the large-scale atrocities. The Congo Reform Association would repeatedly draw attention to Leopold’s offenses until the Belgian government assumed ownership of the renamed Belgian Congo in 1908. The extracted wealth was from then on allocated to the government, not to the monarchy. King Leopold II, the so-called ‘Builder King,’ died on 17 December 1909 and passed the crown, the kingdom, and the politics of the Belgian Congo to his nephew Albert I.

Throughout World War I, Belgium conducted a campaign against German East Africa. The ‘Force Publique,’ the Congolese military, was disciplined and quick – overpowering first Rwanda, then Burundi, but progressed little further until the armistice was signed in November 1918. Five years later, a League of Nations treaty granted Belgium control of Ruanda-Urundi, which for practical and political purposes would continue under Tutsi rule. Leopold’s dream of a Belgian empire was beginning to take shape.

By WWII, Belgium used the Congo to battle Italy by proxy in Ethiopia. King Albert had prioritized copper mining following the first world war, but the discovery of uranium in 1915 would prove even more effective in aiding the Allied cause. The Shinkolobwe mine supplied the code-named Manhattan Project – developing the atomic bombs that the US dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki, Japan. However, the Belgian government – exiled to London – was ultimately drained of its capacity to operate the massive colony.

Despite a ten-year plan for social and economic developmenta waning Belgian authority and deteriorating local economy gave rise to widespread Congolese movements, especially among the Evolués, the educated middle-class. The ABAKO (Alliance des Bakongo) began as a cultural movement led by Joseph Kasavubu, promoting the past splendor of the Kongo Kingdom. It ultimately grew to political and anti-colonial might in the mid-1950s. Its closest rival party, the Mouvement Nationale Congolaise (MNC) was influenced by communist ideologies and led by the inspirational Patrice Lumumba. Independence and nationalism were its intended goals. As internal and international pressure for independence mounted, riots broke out  in Léopoldville (now Kinshasa) in 1959. To cease the violence, Belgium agreed to host a Congolese Round Table Conference, set for early 1960, which would pave the way for Congo’s independence.

The Congo crisis: Independence and turmoil in the First Republic

The Republic of the Congo gained its independence on 30 June 1960, with Joseph Kasavubu (ABAKO) as president and Patrice Lumumba (MNC) as prime minister. Prime Minister Lumumba hastily undertook measures to build the Congolese economy. Failing to procure aid from the United States, he threatened to turn instead to the Soviet Union for support in hopes that the ongoing Cold War tensions between the two countries would prompt a change of heart. The US did not indulge him.

Within days of decolonisation, significant events threatened to destabilise the nascent country. The Force Publique mutinied on 5 July against the Belgian forces that still controlled the military; Lumumba promoted his personal aide Joseph Mobutu to Chief of Staff of the Armée Nationale Congolaise (ANC). On 11 July, the mineral-rich Katanga region declared itself an independent republic, taking Belgian support with it, though falling short of full recognition. The break was soon followed by that of the Kasai Province (modern Kasai-Orientale) on 8 August.

The newly-installed UN peacekeeping force, MONUC, became the token force to bring these provinces back under the DRC banner. Fearing that MONUC may be insufficient to reign in the secessionist provinces, Lumumba finally made good on his threat and requested aid from the Soviet Union. The subsequent influx of arms and Soviet advisors to DRC inflamed tensions with the president, who accused Lumumba of committing genocide among the Luba people of Kasai. Western nations likewise condemned him for his supposed communist loyalties and radical ideals.

On 5 September Kasavubu publicly dismissed Lumumba in favour of a recognized moderate named Joseph Iléo. Lumumba refused to accept his dismissal, announcing Kasavubu deposed as president. Lumumba’s position as prime minister was supported by a parliamentary vote of confidence. Various other forces at work, including Belgium, the US, and the UK, threw their own support behind Col. Mobutu to topple Lumumba but retain Kasavubu as president. Mobutu succeeded on 14 September, suspending the parliament and constitution within days and placing the ousted prime minister under house arrest, guarded by the UN and ANC.

Lumumba escaped house arrest in November and fled Leopoldville with his family. Troops loyal to Mobutu ultimately captured Lumumba in December and returned him to Leopoldville where he faced public humiliation and torture. As publicised by gratuitous footage following Lumumba’s arrest, he was beaten and forced to eat copies of his own speeches. On 17 January 1961, Mobutu transferred Lumumba to Elisabethville, capital of Katanga, where he was again beaten and finally assassinated by a firing squad in the presence of Belgian officials.

Map showing the seats of power in the Congo Crisis in1961According to the parliamentary report concerning Belgium’s involvement in the assassination of Patrice Lumumba, “…none of the crimes committed by Lumumba could, without proof, and especially without any legal basis, serve as a pretext for a regular conviction. Lumumba had to disappear … He had the ears of the masses…” The news broke on 10 February, resulting in an emotional public outcry from Lumumba loyalists.

Loyalties within the DRC divided among four seats of power formed in the early weeks after decolonisation. After a series of international conferences to consolidate the divided rule, the leaders  finally agreed to form a federal state of Congolese provinces with former MNC founder Cyrille Adoula as prime minister. Moïse Tshombe, President of the independent State of Katanga, opposed the agreement and proved uncooperative in Adoula’s subsequent negotiation attempts. Ultimately Adoula requested that the UN intervene by disarming Katangese soldiers and disabling the gendarmerie (police force). Armed with arrest warrants issued by Adoula’s government, the UN operations escalated into open warfare. Again talks were inconclusive, despite Tshombe’s initial agreement to an autonomous Katanga province within the federal state, so a final operation in December 1962 targeted Katanga’s military and political infrastructure. Tshombe surrendered on 15 January 1963, and Katanga fell under UN control.


The Simba Rebellion

In early 1964, unrest in the Kivu and Orientale provinces resulted in a new conflict. Lumumba supporters, the “Simbas” disillusioned by their leader’s assassination, established an alternative government in Stanleyville and began taking control of major cities. Before long, they controlled nearly the full western half of Congo. As discipline faltered, Simbas executed thousands of Congolese and took large numbers of people hostage, particularly foreigners, and held them for ransom.

Moïse Tshombe, whom Kasavubu had appointed to succeed Cyrille Adoula as Prime Minister in July 1964, hired South African and Rhodesian mercenaries to quell the Simba unrest and authorised the controversial Belgian-American Dragon Operations – military intervention and rescue missions. The Dragon Rouge and Dragon Noir missions succeeded in evacuating over 2,000 people from 18 nationalities, including some 400 Congolese. However, the Simbas still killed over 200 people, and it took until the end of 1965 to finally halt the fighting.

Tshombe had been a contentious choice for Prime Minister and his decision to allow Belgium and the US to intervene further damaged his reputation, particularly with the president.

President Kasavubu held national elections in early 1965 and Tshombe’s party received the majority of votes. Reluctant to reinstall Tshombe and citing contested poll results, Kasavubu instead nominated his political ally Évariste Kimba. Foreign government disliked the new, weak regime, as many would have preferred the amenable Tshombe to Kimba, reportedly a Lumumba loyalist. Tensions between Kasavubu and Tshombe created a constitutional deadlock and set the stage for major political upheaval. Lt. Gen. Joseph Mobutu ended the so-called ‘Congo Crisis’ on 24 November 1965 when he overthrew Kasavubu’s government and assumed the title Chief of State.

The Second Republic begins

Joseph Mobutu enjoyed the political backing of western nations – notably the United States, widely believed to have significantly aided his 1965 acquisition of power and in quashing subsequent domestic rebellions against his authority. The chief CIA agent in Congo at the time denies this claim. Over the next several years, Mobutu crafted a personality cult by establishing Mobutuism (a combination of nationalism and economic pragmatism that downplayed ethnic identity) as the official state ideology and mandating membership in his new Popular Movement of the Revolution (MPR) party. He rapidly consolidated power into the executive branch.

Nevertheless, Mobutu promoted a spirit of democracy, endearing him to his powerful western friends. He held national elections in 1971, for which he was the only candidate. According to the official ballot count only 157 voters opposed him. President Mobutu had effectively been elected absolute monarch.

Zaire (1971-1997)

A new policy of authenticité justified Mobutu’s efforts to shrug off colonialism and promote a more ‘authentic’ Africanism. He began by renaming the country the Republic of Zaire and dropping his Christian name ‘Joseph’ to become Mobutu Sese Seko Nkuku Ngbendu Wa Za Banga (“The all-powerful warrior who, because of his endurance and inflexible will to win, goes from conquest to conquest, leaving fire in his wake”), or Mobutu Sese Seko. All Zairians were encouraged to follow his lead.

With dreams of personal grandeur and Zaire as a central African economic powerhouse, Mobutu planned bold economic reforms and national construction projects. Although these plans caught the attention of western investors and banks eager to provide loans, the projects themselves proved disastrous and the mounting debt crippled the resource-rich country. Meanwhile, Mobutu’s personal wealth steadily grew.

Despite high levels of corruption, the US continued to lean on its Zairian ally as a Cold War proxy. The CIA supported a Congolese military assault on Luanda, Angola, that was crushed by a force backed by communist Cuba. Now estranged from this southern neighbour, Angola would serve as a launchpad for Mobutu’s opponents to attack the copper-rich Shaba province, at least until the Second Congo War.

Zaire’s economy declined – a result of falling copper prices, the regime’s theft of natural resources, and Mobutu’s failure to directly address financial concerns. He instead reshuffled government positions and flooded the economy with currency bordering on worthless. By the end of the Cold War western support for Mobutu had waned, and his country clamored for reform. None came.

Rwandan refugee camp in east ZaireA non-western ally and close personal friend to Mobutu was the Rwandan Hutu president Juvénal Habyarima, whose death in a plane crash sparked the 1994 civil war in Rwanda. After the Tutsi Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) defeated the Hutu militia and claimed the government, Mobutu allowed an estimated two million fleeing Hutus into eastern Zaire. This influx of refugees from Rwanda into the Kivu provinces inflamed existing Hutu-Tutsi tensions within Zaire, particularly as Hutus began using the refugee camps as de facto military bases. The camps became a bargaining tool for Mobutu as the international community attempted to calm the situation.

The situation in eastern Zaire fostered the return of a paramilitary leader who had once fought alongside Cuban Marxist Che Guevara. Laurent Désiré Kabila all but dropped from public eye when his movement waned and his Marxist state in South Kivu, where he amassed considerable wealth through mineral smuggling, shut down in 1988. When the primarily Tutsi Banyamulenge took up arms against the Hutus in eastern Zaire, the First Congo War erupted. Kabila joined the Banyamulenge, strongly supported by the presidents of Rwanda, Uganda, and Burundi.

Public support for the Tutsi uprising expanded Kabila’s mission from military revenge to political ambition. He led his Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo (AFDL) to capture most of eastern Zaire and then marched on Kinshasa. The ailing President Mobutu had created many enemies while head of state, and Kabila faced little organised resistance on his cross-country march. In May 1997, less than a year after the Banyamulenge uprising, Mobutu fled into exile.

The Third Republic: Democratic Republic of the Congo

President Kabila  declared himself president of the renamed Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and immediately set about establishing a government resembling that of his predecessor. His attempts to control the many dissident factions across the DRC were minimal and short-lived. Some groups were incorporated into the Forces Armées Congolaises (FAC), creating a national military with a patchwork of different histories. Armed conflict in the eastern provinces continued – indeed escalated – and foreign military presence only added to the unrest.

Kabila’s early political decisions sent contradictory public messages. He dismissed his chief of staff, a founding member of his own AFDL, and replaced him with a Rwandan, named James Kabarebe, in a political nod to his Tutsi allies. Yet he refused citizenship to Congolese Tutsis and ordered house-to-house arms searches. He vowed to free the DRC of foreign influences and summarily rejected all foreign assistance by the UN and US, among others. The Kabila regime even rejected economic collaboration with his former allies Uganda and Rwanda. Furthermore, Kabila tolerated armed groups planning against these allies from within Congo. His regional diplomatic relationships quickly deteriorated.

In July 1998, Kabila insisted that all foreign troops leave the country, a term they met reluctantly. By August, armed groups rose against Kabila in the eastern provinces with backing from Rwanda and Uganda, both of which wanted secure access to valuable natural resources and a more amenable Congolese leader to ensure that access. This effectively began the Second Congo War.

Kabila struck a deal with Angola, Namibia and Zimbabwe, gaining the support of their troops in exchange for the profits they would make off Congo’s natural resources. In 1999 the state parties involved signed the Lusaka Ceasefire Agreement, to be observed by five thousand MONUC peacekeepers. Two of the primary armed groups, the Rassemblement Congolais pour la Démocratie (RCD) and the Mouvement pour la Libération du Congo (MLC), later endorsed the agreement, but fighting continued on all sides. In 2001, Laurent Kabila was killed by one of his bodyguards; his son Joseph inherited the presidency and the ongoing conflict.

Modern Congo

One month after assuming office, the younger Kabila met with Rwandan president Paul Kagame in Washington, D.C., to discuss the Lusaka Agreement terms and outline a pull-out plan for Rwandan troops. By this point, an estimated 2.5 million people had died in the conflict that engulfed the full eastern half of DRC. At a subsequent meeting with Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni in September 2002, both leaders signed the Luanda Agreement, which would pull Ugandan troops out of eastern DRC as well. In 2003, the last Ugandan troops left and Joseph Kabila formed a functioning interim government, thus ending the Second Congo War.

Joseph Kabila established his leadership by suppressing several coups in early 2004, but the regional conflict from his father’s presidency threatened to reignite. Fighting flared up in the east once again. Suspicion surrounded Rwanda’s potential support or involvement with armed groups in the region, though Kagame denied any such claims. Shortly after the adoption of a new official Congolese constitution in 2005, Uganda threatened to cross back into the eastern provinces in pursuit of the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA), a Ugandan armed force that had traveled north into Sudan, now South Sudan, and west into the DRC.

Voters had approved the new constitution, and in July 2006 the DRC held its first national elections in over 40 years. International monitors deemed the election procedure credible, and Kabila won the 29 October run-off election. His opponent Jean-Pierre Bemba and Bemba’s supporters retaliated with armed conflict in Kinshasa. Defeated, he ultimately fled to Portugal. Meanwhile, MONUC intensified its efforts to disarm the various paramilitaries that had remained active. Resisting disarmament, several groups increased attacks on the local population. General Laurent Nkunda and his National Congress for the Defense of the People (CNDP) clashed with MONUC forces in North Kivu, displacing 50,000 people. In 2007, DRC and Rwanda agreed upon the repatriation of Hutu refugees in DRC who had played a major role in the 1994 genocide.  This agreement soured as the UN accused Rwanda of supporting the CNDP in DRC, exacerbating the fighting. By 2008 some 5.4 million people had been killed by the ongoing conflict, mostly from disease and starvation. Millions more more were displaced from their homes or had sought asylum in neighbouring countries. Rwanda ultimately arrests Laurent Nkunda and refuses to return him to the DRC, where President Kagame fears the CNDP leader will face an unfair trial. The Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) soldiers leave the DRC, and the CNDP signs a peace agreement with the DRC government.

Several key players among the armed groups of the Kivu provinces gained international fame around this time. The Democratic Republic of the Congo is a member state of the International Criminal Court (ICC). As the new court began investigating cases of war crimes, crimes against humanity, and other major human rights abuses around the world, it issued warrants for many individuals operating in the DRC. Five leaders of the Ugandan group the LRA became the first indictees – of these only Joseph Kony, Dominic Ongwen, and Okot Odhiambo are the only three still alive and at large. Thomas Lubanga Dyilo was likewise indicted for conscripting children into his Force Patriotique pour la Libération du Congo (FPLC) in eastern DRC. Lubanga would later be arrested, convicted by the court, and sentenced to fourteen years of imprisonment in 2012. As leader of the MLC, Jean-Pierre Bemba Gombo was ultimately indicted for war crimes and crimes against humanity committed during his time in the Central African Republic under Ange-Félix Patassé’s government. His trial began in 2010 and continues into 2013. Laurent Nkunda (RCD/CNDP) was never indicted by the ICC, but did face an international warrant for his arrest issued by the DRC. Perhaps none of the armed group leaders have garnered as much media attention in recent years as a man named Bosco Ntaganda, the leader of the M23, and former leader of Nkunda’s CNDP. Nicknamed ‘The Terminator,’ He was indicted by the ICC in 2006, but remained at large for seven years until March 2013 when Ntaganda surrendered to the US embassy in Kigali, Rwanda. He currently awaits trial in The Hague, Netherlands.

Locations and divisions of armed groups active in the eastern DRC. (Map: BBC)

Eastern Congo armed groups

President Kabila reaffirmed his presidency through a contested election in 2011. Although heavily criticised as a political leader, he nevertheless has big plans for his country. These include the construction of a city built to honour Prime Minister Patrice Lumumba (aptly named Lumumbaville). Additionally, to bring jobs, funding, and electricity to his people, Kabila has proposed the world’s largest hydroelectric dam to harness the power of the Congo River. Dubbed ‘Grand Inga,’ the plans would fulfill one of Mobutu Sese Seko’s dreams and failed projects.

Rwanda’s President Kagame could arguably be Kabila’s staunchest critic. Current verbal conflict between the two countries’ governments reflects the deep tensions dating back to the time of Mobutu. With hundreds of thousands of Rwandan refugees settled in eastern DRC, the political and economic difficulties remain high for both nations. Furthermore, the activities of domestic and foreign militaries and armed groups throughout the eastern Kivu provinces continue to draw international attention and interventions.


Minerals and conflict

Conflict has plagued the DRC since before its independence from Belgium, and mineral wealth is often considered the inspiration – if not the direct source of funding – for many regional armed groups. The government military has also been known to smuggle valuable resources out of the resource-rich provinces for illegal profit. This comes as no surprise, since the market for Congolese resources teems with buyers and border restrictions are fairly weak.

Natural resources abound in the DRC. Certain minerals, such as coltan and copper, are widely used in everyday modern technologies including computers and mobile phones. Ivory is considered a status commodity in many parts of the world. Gold and silver are rare metals that back many national currencies. Fossil fuels, such as uranium and petroleum, are coveted energy sources worldwide. The extraction of these resources, however, comes at a very high price to human rights and environmentalism

At the behest of strong grassroots advocacy efforts, certain governments have begun taking measures to promote accountability in the sourcing of such minerals, etc. A bill passed the US Congress in 2012 – colloquially, the Dodd-Frank Act – will require manufacturers to publicise the sources of the various metals and minerals used in the production of their technologies. Not without its critics, the Dodd-Frank Act has yet to be fully implemented, but several international corporations and initiatives are already attempting to exercise transparency in regard to their products’ sourcing. 


International military presence

The international community has a tradition of contributing militarily to the DRC and many foreign militaries have retained an official presence there for many years. Often these forces enter under the auspices of training and equipping the FARDC (Congolese national military), but occasionally their mandates explicitly require them to quell violence perpetrated by regional armed groups.

The United Nations has two operational forces in the DRC – MONUSCO, the rebranded MONUC peacekeeping force, and a new, unprecedented offensive task force (commonly cited as the UN Foreign Intervention Brigade), announced in early 2013. Initial reception of this offensive force has been mixed; the existing peacekeeping force MONUSCO has enjoyed little success and increasing criticism over the years. Few expect the intervention brigade to be a silver bullet to the cycle of conflict in eastern DRC, but the mandate to use force may change public perception of the blue berets.

Belgium has a standing agreement with the DRC to train its national military – focusing heavily on eliminating human rights abuses perpetrated by the FARDC and professionalising troop quality. The United States trains and equips Congolese troops in eastern DRC, but also fulfils its mandate to arrest Joseph Kony and top LRA commanders from bases in the Orientale provinces. Additional foreign troops have conducted operations within Congolese borders in recent years, including several that breach Congolese borders and operate without permission. Generally, these armies are in direct combat with or in direct support of armed groups in the region. Without a strong and disciplined FARDC to monitor the borders, international violations will likely continue.

This page last updated January 2014.



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